Collective Trauma.
The concept of Collective Trauma outlines many forms in which a community
can be impaired as a consequence of war, armed violence, or other sudden,
external forces.
Collective trauma however, as opposed to individual trauma, does not
have a direct relation to events that has catastrophic impact on individual
lifes. It emerges from the pain that is radiated by individual trauma on
to the community.
Collective trauma, although described as a property of a certain community, does exist within the individuals of that community and disables individuals as well as individual trauma. The discerning factor is that in these individuals, the trauma can not be traced back to real life events, although constructed memory may represent in a symbolical way the origins of the trauma.
Constructed or symbolical memories.
Currently the phenomenon of 'false memories' is being discussed, mainly in the United States, in relation to induced memories suggesting a history of child abuse with disturbed women. False memories seem to be the result of incorrect therapy. The discussion concentrates on the moral and ethical issues that are involved, but little attention is paid to the meaning of the finding that it is relatively easy to induce these memories as well as the surprising systematic clusters of elements that pop up in these (groups of) memories.
Considering this relative ease of inducing memories it can only be considered as probable that the stressful events, through which communities in armed conflict live, provide ample cause for similar 'false' or 'constructed' memories. These memories may fill the gaps, the void area's in the personal histories of people that live through the chaotic events of armed conflict and escape.
Myths, Legends and Tales.
Collective memories also find their ways into oral history; the stories
that are told among the communities, the songs that become popular, the
rumors that go around.
These stories function in the community in the ways that dreams and
flash-backs function in the individual: they try to process or structure
events, emotions, in sometimes highly symbolical ways. This is, however
not always successful, and it can even be harmful when aggression and frustration
are the base for hyper-nationalistic delusions.
In the history of the Displaced from Eritrea we can discern several stages that may have been traumatizing, each in their own way, creating a 'trauma-cocktail':
1. The period before the civil war.
In these periods many people have been submitted to forms of violent
suppression, direct or indirect, since the past regimes have used ample
techniques of suppression.
2. The onset of civil war.
Before the factual period of violence, there must have been a period
in which it became clear that this time the Dergue regime was about to
submit. Especially for those close to this regime, or generally regarded
as connected with this regime, the period must have been highly stressful.
3. The period of armed conflict.
This is the period that is generally regarded as the center of trauma.
In this period people were witness of killing and injury, sometimes
maimed themselves. People lost relatives, friends, possessions, positions,
and have had to take the terrible decision to flee.
4. The immediate aftermath of war.
In this period all survivors have coped with severe conditions: lack
of security, shelter, food, water, etc. Many have to give immense physical
efforts, walking or traveling without much means over long distances without
any clear overview of the situation.
Many died in this period or fall gravely ill.
5. Survival.
Strange as it may seem, the actual survival can have a disturbing effect
in itself: once arrived in relative safety, those who survive have to cope
with the guilt of the survivor.
Survivors guilt is an often non-rational result of trying to construct
alternative ways of acting, that might have saved more people, afterwards.
6. The influence of the help-industry.
The (mainly western-based) help-industry has, for many reasons, reached
huge dimensions in the past years. Through it, support is given in what
are seen as the primary needs of people after armed conflict: shelter,
food and water, and primary (physical) health care.
Mental health provisions have always been seen as not belonging in
this 'first aid', and the consequences are now visible:
6.1 Identity-loss.
The help-industry tries to rescue as many people as possible in generally
huge numbers of people. To achieve this it has developed 'economic' and
'practical' solutions that leave no space at all for 'individual' problems.
Lack of water, dispersion of food, provision of shelter, they are operational
problems, solved in a technical way. The fact that people find and guard
their identity, their uniqueness in the way they form their habitat, they
arrange their food, is disregarded, based on the need to 'rescue' these
huge numbers of people.
This effect is enhanced by the fact that these efforts are very often
performed by the military, or by techniques that have spun-off from the
military.
The army is a body in which specifically the 'individuality' of its
members must be suppressed in favor of essential group-efforts that are
needed in armed combat. In large rescue-operations, however, these techniques
have a counter-productive effect.
6.2 The creation of the victim.
The help-industry also creates 'the victim' in the sense that there
is a definite order of 'victim-ship'; an order in which people are 'helped'.
Dying children, sick women, weak elderly, these are the priorities, priorities
that are not in the least defined by the way that media-images generate
emotions and therewith financial support in the western world.
This of course is very soon realized by the people that are being 'helped',
and hence they will start to provide the image of 'the victim' in order
to force 'the helper' to help.
This 'victim'-'helper' relation is then enhanced by a complex set of
feelings in the 'helper' , in which guilt, 'goodness' and superiority are
elements.
6.3 Innocence.
One of the basic axioms of the western help-industry is that it helps
'innocent' victims. Innocence is an absolute sine qua non for the western
public to open their charity: compare for instance the relief support that
went to Serbia with that which went to Bosnia.
Once the help-industry jumps in, therefore, all victims by definition
become 'innocent'.
This presupposition is transferred to the 'victims' in the help-program
very easy, because it is, certainly in situations after wars, a thing that
one would like to be true. Once the axiom of innocence is internalized,
it has to erase many elements of the real history that simply do not agree
with 'innocence', and this falsification of (necessarily personal) history
opens the door to a final blow on what was left of the individual.
6.4 Relief-dependence
The original trauma, the loss of identity and the lack of immediate
solutions to resolve the problems have had as a consequence that the residents
of the shelters have had to construct a new identity: that of the 'innocent
victim' that has to be 'helped' by outside forces. In this situation the
shelter population has become completely dependent of relief. The consequence
of this is that people do not leave the shelters any more; they tend to
concentrate on survival in the shelters. Vocational capacities that many
of these displaced possessed, have in many cases become outdated.
7. Social Isolation.
After settling in the shelters, the displaced people have experienced
the process in which they, as well as their problems, were 'forgotten'.
Hardly anybody in Addis (government officials included' know that the shelters
exist, let alone the conditions in the shelters. The government, immersed
in the immense problems of Ethiopia does not give the displaces a high
priority on their agenda, supported by the fact that the international
help-industry seemed to take care of emergency relief. A solution that
is being proposed on this level (to give each family of displaced a small
piece of land) is also, on the same level, being treated as unrealistic.
8. Second Generation Trauma.
As far as I know, second generation trauma is generally seen as individual
trauma. However, certainly in a shelter-like community, the pressure on
children who live with traumatized adults can also be understood as a collective
process in which results of trauma are being transferred into the (informal
as well as formal) curriculum.
Intervention
An intervention program would concentrate on the central 'injured' entity,
the Identity.
Identity is not only an individual matter, it is also a reflection
of the community to which one belongs or wants to belong.
1.
In the past, the many different identities of the displaced were destroyed,
and replaced with one singular identity, that of a 'displaced person, an
innocent victim, that is in need of help and therefore has the right to
be helped'.
In this, all displaced people have become equal, and therefore the
'solutions' to their problems have been defined (by the help-industry and
the political system) in general terms. Once defined, these solutions always
involve huge quantities of means: money, land, political influence and
decisions.
2.
It is generally forgotten however, that these people have in fact much
less in common than their general denominator 'displaced' suggests. The
fact that they all have had to flee does not mean that therefore also their
futures should be seen from the same perspective.
In this light it makes much more sense to find solutions for each family,
or even individual, separately, recognizing the individual identity.
Western 'efficiency' seems to prohibit this approach, because it would
result in the need for about 10.000 to 15.000 solutions for the displaced
around Addis Ababa alone.
Yet, here the 'gestalt' theory is appropriate (the sum is more than
just the total of the parts) although the consequence is opposite: in the
end it is more feasible to create 15.000 solutions that are possible, than
to realize one solution that is not possible.
The more so as it would be possible to have the 15.000 solutions designed by the families and individuals themselves, rather than by the help-industry.
3.
In order to make this possible, the families of the displaced would
have to develop enough self-confidence, enough identity, to indeed create
their own solutions, and take responsibility for accepting support by the
help-industry. The help-industry would, in this construction, become more
passive, more marginal in the total effort, in the pathway to solution,
responding to initiative, rather than initiating.
4.
(Re)construction of personal Identity, again, is therefore the central
issue.
For this, there must be, to begin with, the analysis and treatment
of personal trauma, to begin with. This is the work of the regular TPO-programme.
5.
Parallel to this work, the common identity of the 'displaced' must
stepwise be disintegrated and abolished. This must be done with the displaced
themselves, as well as with the NGO's and IO's that represent the help-industry.
6.
In stead of the generalized identity of the displaced, the residents
of the shelters should be empowered to either rebuild their old identity,
or create a new identity, based on the old identity, strong enough to serve
as a base for the development of a personal solution.
Intervention Projects
1.
Work with the other NGO's is important. With them, a new base for 'helping'
should be developed, one that accepts the 'helped' person as the principal
agent of change.
One element in this change could be the development of a new way of
reporting on projects, in which the individuals within the community of
displaced are no longer nameless numbers, and in which the initiative from
within the community is described as the essence of a project in which
the NGO in question becomes a participant. NGO's will be supported to develop
a strategy to discern and even provoke initiatives from within the communities
to support. (For instance the rainwater-capture idea-contest.)
2.
The stories we hear in the shelters will be the base for another project:
the comic strip, developed with two young artists from the Addis Ababa
Arts Academy. In this strip, elements of the collective trauma will be
analyzed, and given a symbolical representation is a story that can develop
in many episodes and throughout the year. The comics will be made available
in the shelters, and the reactions to them will be integrated in the following
episodes.
In this project special attention will be given to 'false memories'
and the topic of guilt, resulting from the former positions of the displaced
in Eritrea. Research in Eritrea, concerning the stories about the displacement
that exist over there will be necessary for this project.
3.
Stories of 'storytellers' that live in the shelters will be recorded
on video. In these stories I hope to find the old and the new legends that
have been developed in the shelters.
After that, (elements of) these stories will be developed into reinforced
presentations, with the help of musicians, playwrights, actors, with simple
techniques, and 'given back' to the communities on festive occasions.
4.
Work will be done with the Central Committee of the displaced, who
currently work in a very difficult position, since they are used by the
help-industry as representants on the one hand, but are rejected in the
same role by the authorities for political reasons.
Up till now, the committee has worked to ameliorate life for the displaced
within the shelters, and as such indeed been the symbolical leadership
of the community.
With the committee we will work out this concept of 'symbolical leadership'
as opposed to 'democratic leadership'. It may well be that a form of 'symbolical'
leadership may be much more acceptable to the authorities than 'democratic'
leadership, especially when the symbolical leadership is designed on the
base of 'leaving' the shelters, rather than 'ameliorate' them.
5.
Basic research will be done into the possibilities of working with
groups of young adults from outside the shelters, to work with the children
of the displaced in projects that enable the children to process their
emotions themselves, along the framework of Idea's that were proposed in
the 'suggestions'. For this, a co-operation will be sought with specialized
NGO's that work for children in Addis Ababa.
I expect that the concept of 'locus of control' would offer an interesting
indicator of the effect of these projects. I hope some kind of instrument
can be developed, based on this concept, that could permit us to measure
a shift in locus of control through time.